Clout info reveals real list of who's who at City Hall
Clout info reveals real list of who's who at City Hall
June 20, 2006
BY MARK BROWN SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST
Copyright by The Chicago Sun Times
Maybe it's not quite fair to say that the Daley administration didn't want nobody that nobody sent. But after poring over the secret list of more than 5,500 City Hall favor seekers that was made public Monday, the conclusion is inescapable that the mayor's people relied on a relatively short list of somebodies to do the sending.
The first thing you need to know about that list, presented as evidence in federal court, is that is that it was printed up in a microscopic-size type that many of us couldn't read without a magnifying glass or pain reliever, so judge the news reports accordingly. I'm relying on the pain reliever.
But between headaches, I've carefully studied the "Remarks" section on all 58 pages of the list, which is where the Mayor's Office of Intergovernmental Affairs disclosed the clout -- or sponsors -- of the individuals seeking jobs, promotions and raises.
What strikes me most is that you keep seeing the same names over and over. It was as if a person had to know the secret password to have any influence on personnel decisions in Daley's City Hall -- and that password wasn't posted on the city's Web site.
Many of the names of the clout-providers will come as no surprise to you: Daley confidantes Jeremiah Joyce and Timothy Degnan and their family members; Daley's own brothers, John, William and Michael; Hispanic Democratic Organization leaders Victor Reyes, Al Sanchez and Tony Munoz, and a smattering of long-time politicians from Jesse White to Ed Kelly to Ted Lechowicz.
Actually, though, there aren't that many political officeholders listed. When I saw John Stroger's name as a clout sponsor for one job candidate, I didn't think, "Ah-ha!" I thought, "Only once?" The sense you get is that the mayor has a me-first approach to patronage, which is what the other politicians have been complaining about for years.
Document has some surprises
More prominently rewarded is a layer of Daley political coordinators dating back to his first election. This includes everyone from higher-profile figures such as Dominic Longo and Don Tomczak to the lesser known Mike Broderick, John Malatesta, Mike Vaske and Larry Benas.
Then there are operatives whose influence may have been underestimated, such as longtime Daley Cabinet member Joyce Gallagher, who seems to have done quite well over the years in the patronage department.
I'm particularly intrigued by all the names whose clout sponsor is listed as one Pat McLain, heretofore unknown to me. Patrick McLain turns out to be a longtime assistant to Daley in the mayor's office.
The clout list was produced from a database maintained by the patronage office 1989 to 1997, which means that it's long out of date.
The worm turned at City Hall and others have climbed the clout ladder, as evidence in the trial of Daley patronage chief Robert Sorich and three others has shown.
'It's insurance'
One of those named on the list as the recipient of a clout promotion is anti-Daley political operative Frank Coconate, who helped me go through the names Monday.
Coconate, a onetime Daley campaign worker who later became an outspoken critic and eventually got fired from his city job, is currently fighting to win back his position through an administrative appeal, so feel free to view his observations with whatever degree of skepticism you deem appropriate.
But this also gives Coconate some insights.
From the viewpoint of the patronage employee, he notes, it's very important just to have your name on such a list.
"That's the only way you're going to survive. It's insurance. You were at least protected on the job," said Coconate, who forfeited his policy when he began making unauthorized bids for public office on the Northwest Side.
From the viewpoint of a former political worker trying to get favors for himself and others, he points out: "You forget those are taxpayers' jobs. You give them away like those are ours."
The funny thing, of course, is that Daley hasn't needed the people on these lists to get elected since probably his second election in 1991.
So why did he keep on playing this game? To consolidate power.
Jobs supplied muscle
With his political coordinators well-fed from the patronage trough, Daley could move his troops into any ward in the city and mount a campaign without the support of the local alderman, who previously supplied the political muscle for Chicago's mayors. After a while, the aldermen got the message and didn't give him any trouble.
This also gave Daley the freedom to influence state legislative races of his choosing and to elect a congressman he could depend upon to carry his agenda in Washington.
Political opposition dried up and disappeared.
That's the problem with patronage. It's not the same as favoritism in the private sector. It gives a political leader too much power.
June 20, 2006
BY MARK BROWN SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST
Copyright by The Chicago Sun Times
Maybe it's not quite fair to say that the Daley administration didn't want nobody that nobody sent. But after poring over the secret list of more than 5,500 City Hall favor seekers that was made public Monday, the conclusion is inescapable that the mayor's people relied on a relatively short list of somebodies to do the sending.
The first thing you need to know about that list, presented as evidence in federal court, is that is that it was printed up in a microscopic-size type that many of us couldn't read without a magnifying glass or pain reliever, so judge the news reports accordingly. I'm relying on the pain reliever.
But between headaches, I've carefully studied the "Remarks" section on all 58 pages of the list, which is where the Mayor's Office of Intergovernmental Affairs disclosed the clout -- or sponsors -- of the individuals seeking jobs, promotions and raises.
What strikes me most is that you keep seeing the same names over and over. It was as if a person had to know the secret password to have any influence on personnel decisions in Daley's City Hall -- and that password wasn't posted on the city's Web site.
Many of the names of the clout-providers will come as no surprise to you: Daley confidantes Jeremiah Joyce and Timothy Degnan and their family members; Daley's own brothers, John, William and Michael; Hispanic Democratic Organization leaders Victor Reyes, Al Sanchez and Tony Munoz, and a smattering of long-time politicians from Jesse White to Ed Kelly to Ted Lechowicz.
Actually, though, there aren't that many political officeholders listed. When I saw John Stroger's name as a clout sponsor for one job candidate, I didn't think, "Ah-ha!" I thought, "Only once?" The sense you get is that the mayor has a me-first approach to patronage, which is what the other politicians have been complaining about for years.
Document has some surprises
More prominently rewarded is a layer of Daley political coordinators dating back to his first election. This includes everyone from higher-profile figures such as Dominic Longo and Don Tomczak to the lesser known Mike Broderick, John Malatesta, Mike Vaske and Larry Benas.
Then there are operatives whose influence may have been underestimated, such as longtime Daley Cabinet member Joyce Gallagher, who seems to have done quite well over the years in the patronage department.
I'm particularly intrigued by all the names whose clout sponsor is listed as one Pat McLain, heretofore unknown to me. Patrick McLain turns out to be a longtime assistant to Daley in the mayor's office.
The clout list was produced from a database maintained by the patronage office 1989 to 1997, which means that it's long out of date.
The worm turned at City Hall and others have climbed the clout ladder, as evidence in the trial of Daley patronage chief Robert Sorich and three others has shown.
'It's insurance'
One of those named on the list as the recipient of a clout promotion is anti-Daley political operative Frank Coconate, who helped me go through the names Monday.
Coconate, a onetime Daley campaign worker who later became an outspoken critic and eventually got fired from his city job, is currently fighting to win back his position through an administrative appeal, so feel free to view his observations with whatever degree of skepticism you deem appropriate.
But this also gives Coconate some insights.
From the viewpoint of the patronage employee, he notes, it's very important just to have your name on such a list.
"That's the only way you're going to survive. It's insurance. You were at least protected on the job," said Coconate, who forfeited his policy when he began making unauthorized bids for public office on the Northwest Side.
From the viewpoint of a former political worker trying to get favors for himself and others, he points out: "You forget those are taxpayers' jobs. You give them away like those are ours."
The funny thing, of course, is that Daley hasn't needed the people on these lists to get elected since probably his second election in 1991.
So why did he keep on playing this game? To consolidate power.
Jobs supplied muscle
With his political coordinators well-fed from the patronage trough, Daley could move his troops into any ward in the city and mount a campaign without the support of the local alderman, who previously supplied the political muscle for Chicago's mayors. After a while, the aldermen got the message and didn't give him any trouble.
This also gave Daley the freedom to influence state legislative races of his choosing and to elect a congressman he could depend upon to carry his agenda in Washington.
Political opposition dried up and disappeared.
That's the problem with patronage. It's not the same as favoritism in the private sector. It gives a political leader too much power.
posted by Carlos T Mock at 9:27 AM
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