International Herald Tribune Editorial - Palestinians at war
International Herald Tribune Editorial - Palestinians at war
Copyright by The International Herald Tribune
Published: June 15, 2007
In two days of fierce fighting, the gunmen of Hamas have virtually taken over the Gaza Strip. This is a defeat for Palestinians, and a defeat for Israeli and American policy as well.
It may sometimes look like there's not very much of a choice between the gunmen of Fatah and the gunmen of Hamas. But there is.
Fatah accepts Israel's existence and wants to negotiate with it over Palestinian statehood. It also accepts the authority of past agreements signed by the Palestinians, including agreements to stop terrorism. Hamas accepts none of these things, and sees no contradiction between its terrorist deeds and its demands that its governing officials be treated like those of any state.
Ever since Hamas won Palestinian legislative elections last January, President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of Israel have done everything they could think of to isolate Hamas and far less than they might have to help Fatah's most important remaining leader, the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas.
Seventeen months later, Hamas is that much stronger and Fatah is that much weaker. With the pretense of joint government now shattered, the Palestinian power struggle is certain to continue, even to intensify. Thursday, Abbas dismissed the prime minister, Ismail Haniya of Hamas, and called for new elections. With Hamas victorious in Gaza, the terrain of the contest will likely shift to the West Bank.
For Washington and Jerusalem to exert constructive influence in this dangerous situation, they urgently need to adopt a new and wiser approach to Palestinian politics. That means doing more to help Abbas in the only currency that really counts, easing the lives of ordinary Palestinians.
That should include a total freeze on settlement building and expansion, a prompt easing of the onerous, humiliating and economically strangulating blockades on Palestinian movements within the West Bank, and the swift release to Abbas' office of all tax revenues rightfully belonging to the Palestinians but still in Israeli hands.
It should also include an offer of regular, substantive talks with Abbas on issues related to a final peace settlement, like borders and provisions assuring the economic viability of an eventual Palestinian state. Obviously, there can be no final peace agreement until Hamas either changes its policies or is chased from power. But excluding Palestinian statehood from the negotiating agenda can only help Hamas.
The future diplomatic treatment of Hamas should depend strictly on its own behavior. If it is ever willing to stop engaging in terrorism and live up to the standards expected of law-abiding governments, there will be something for Israeli and American officials to discuss with it. The past few days offer little encouragement in that regard.
Taking these kind of chances to help Abbas looks a lot riskier now than it did 17 months ago, or even 17 days ago. But failing to take them invites a much more menacing specter - a replay before too long of this week's Gaza events in the much more strategically important West Bank.
Copyright by The International Herald Tribune
Published: June 15, 2007
In two days of fierce fighting, the gunmen of Hamas have virtually taken over the Gaza Strip. This is a defeat for Palestinians, and a defeat for Israeli and American policy as well.
It may sometimes look like there's not very much of a choice between the gunmen of Fatah and the gunmen of Hamas. But there is.
Fatah accepts Israel's existence and wants to negotiate with it over Palestinian statehood. It also accepts the authority of past agreements signed by the Palestinians, including agreements to stop terrorism. Hamas accepts none of these things, and sees no contradiction between its terrorist deeds and its demands that its governing officials be treated like those of any state.
Ever since Hamas won Palestinian legislative elections last January, President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of Israel have done everything they could think of to isolate Hamas and far less than they might have to help Fatah's most important remaining leader, the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas.
Seventeen months later, Hamas is that much stronger and Fatah is that much weaker. With the pretense of joint government now shattered, the Palestinian power struggle is certain to continue, even to intensify. Thursday, Abbas dismissed the prime minister, Ismail Haniya of Hamas, and called for new elections. With Hamas victorious in Gaza, the terrain of the contest will likely shift to the West Bank.
For Washington and Jerusalem to exert constructive influence in this dangerous situation, they urgently need to adopt a new and wiser approach to Palestinian politics. That means doing more to help Abbas in the only currency that really counts, easing the lives of ordinary Palestinians.
That should include a total freeze on settlement building and expansion, a prompt easing of the onerous, humiliating and economically strangulating blockades on Palestinian movements within the West Bank, and the swift release to Abbas' office of all tax revenues rightfully belonging to the Palestinians but still in Israeli hands.
It should also include an offer of regular, substantive talks with Abbas on issues related to a final peace settlement, like borders and provisions assuring the economic viability of an eventual Palestinian state. Obviously, there can be no final peace agreement until Hamas either changes its policies or is chased from power. But excluding Palestinian statehood from the negotiating agenda can only help Hamas.
The future diplomatic treatment of Hamas should depend strictly on its own behavior. If it is ever willing to stop engaging in terrorism and live up to the standards expected of law-abiding governments, there will be something for Israeli and American officials to discuss with it. The past few days offer little encouragement in that regard.
Taking these kind of chances to help Abbas looks a lot riskier now than it did 17 months ago, or even 17 days ago. But failing to take them invites a much more menacing specter - a replay before too long of this week's Gaza events in the much more strategically important West Bank.
posted by Carlos T Mock at 7:53 AM
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