Financial Times Editorial - Growing calls for Rumsfeld's dismissal
Financial Times Editorial - Growing calls for Rumsfeld's dismissal
Published: April 17 2006 03:00 | Last updated: April 17 2006 03:00. Copyright by The Financial Times
Elbow resting on lectern and finger wagging at questioners, Donald Rumsfeld is the most ubiquitous face of the Bush ad ministration. Should George W. Bush, US president, belatedly accept Mr Rumsfeld's resignation, which was twice offered in 2004, supporters say it would jeopardise his own credibility more than three years after ordering the invasion of Iraq.
Unfortunately that is a step Mr Bush is still unprepared to take. In response to the growing chorus of retired generals calling for the defence secretary's scalp, Mr Bush last Friday praised Mr Rumsfeld's leadership as "exactly what we need at this critical moment".
It is by now evident that Mr Bush's belief in sticking by friends regardless of the consequences is the political equivalent of a death wish. White House insiders say Mr Bush's unshakeable loyalty to his lieutenants is re-inforced by a refusal to listen to voices from outside his inner circle - no matter how qualified or well intentioned.
These include a growing parade of some of America's most senior and loyal retired generals, whose frustration with Mr Rumsfeld is louder than any uniformed criticism of civilian leadership since the Vietnam war.
All six of the generals who have spoken out so far have highlighted Mr Rumsfeld's alleged deafness to advice that clashes with his political objectives. They have described what happens to the careers of serving officers who dispute tactics with Mr Rumsfeld.
To recap: Mr Rumsfeld sidelined Eric Shinseki, the army chief of staff, for telling Congress in 2003 that the Iraq invasion would require several hundred thousand troops. He stuck to his view that the war could be swiftly won with far fewer troops using the latest technology.
Mr Rumsfeld discarded the advice of generals who warned of an impending insurgency and requested the resources to stifle it. He said the insurgents were "dead-enders". The insurgency - now a civil war - was allowed to fester at a point when it could have been addressed.
Mr Rumsfeld dismissed complaints of what was dubbed the "8,000 mile screwdriver" reaching from the Pentagon to Iraq. By overriding micro-decisions on the ground, he consistently demoralised those who put their lives on the line for a war whose wisdom many privately doubted.
This is without having mentioned the Pentagon edicts that helped create a climate of torture in Abu Ghraib or the disdain for potential allies in Europe. General Anthony Zinni, former head of central command, recently said the war was driven by "spin, cherry-picking facts and [use of] metaphors to evoke certain emotional responses".
America's soldiers and the people of Iraq deserve better than this. There can be little hope Mr Bush has learnt the lessons needed to improve the situation in Iraq while Mr Rumsfeld remains at the Pentagon
Published: April 17 2006 03:00 | Last updated: April 17 2006 03:00. Copyright by The Financial Times
Elbow resting on lectern and finger wagging at questioners, Donald Rumsfeld is the most ubiquitous face of the Bush ad ministration. Should George W. Bush, US president, belatedly accept Mr Rumsfeld's resignation, which was twice offered in 2004, supporters say it would jeopardise his own credibility more than three years after ordering the invasion of Iraq.
Unfortunately that is a step Mr Bush is still unprepared to take. In response to the growing chorus of retired generals calling for the defence secretary's scalp, Mr Bush last Friday praised Mr Rumsfeld's leadership as "exactly what we need at this critical moment".
It is by now evident that Mr Bush's belief in sticking by friends regardless of the consequences is the political equivalent of a death wish. White House insiders say Mr Bush's unshakeable loyalty to his lieutenants is re-inforced by a refusal to listen to voices from outside his inner circle - no matter how qualified or well intentioned.
These include a growing parade of some of America's most senior and loyal retired generals, whose frustration with Mr Rumsfeld is louder than any uniformed criticism of civilian leadership since the Vietnam war.
All six of the generals who have spoken out so far have highlighted Mr Rumsfeld's alleged deafness to advice that clashes with his political objectives. They have described what happens to the careers of serving officers who dispute tactics with Mr Rumsfeld.
To recap: Mr Rumsfeld sidelined Eric Shinseki, the army chief of staff, for telling Congress in 2003 that the Iraq invasion would require several hundred thousand troops. He stuck to his view that the war could be swiftly won with far fewer troops using the latest technology.
Mr Rumsfeld discarded the advice of generals who warned of an impending insurgency and requested the resources to stifle it. He said the insurgents were "dead-enders". The insurgency - now a civil war - was allowed to fester at a point when it could have been addressed.
Mr Rumsfeld dismissed complaints of what was dubbed the "8,000 mile screwdriver" reaching from the Pentagon to Iraq. By overriding micro-decisions on the ground, he consistently demoralised those who put their lives on the line for a war whose wisdom many privately doubted.
This is without having mentioned the Pentagon edicts that helped create a climate of torture in Abu Ghraib or the disdain for potential allies in Europe. General Anthony Zinni, former head of central command, recently said the war was driven by "spin, cherry-picking facts and [use of] metaphors to evoke certain emotional responses".
America's soldiers and the people of Iraq deserve better than this. There can be little hope Mr Bush has learnt the lessons needed to improve the situation in Iraq while Mr Rumsfeld remains at the Pentagon
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